After refusing to do so for a long time, Finland left its neutrality on April 4, by joining the ranks of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Let Russia know: the Scandinavian country will not turn back, warns the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Finland, Elina Valtonen, in an interview with The duty.
“Whatever Russia does, it won’t change anything. […] Whatever the reprisals, we are ready and we know that we have a strong mandate to work as a NATO country to achieve our objectives in terms of foreign and security policy,” argues the elected official in a former Russian army barracks in Helsinki, which is now occupied by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Elina Valtonen recalls that Finland – with which Russia shares a border of some 1,340 kilometers – joined the Atlantic Alliance both to strengthen its “security” and the “stability” of the Baltic Sea region.
Russia has not hidden its dissatisfaction with Helsinki, sometimes deploring its “conflictual and anti-Russian policy”, sometimes its alleged inclinations towards the portion of the Karelia region, which it wrested from Finland in the favor of the Winter War (1939-1940) and the Continuation War (1941-1944). The “threats to military security” of Russia which “have multiplied” in the West “require a rapid and adequate response”, even said the Minister of Defense, Sergei Shoigu, during the summer.
Elina Valtonen has little regard for the warlike rhetoric used by Moscow. “So far, it’s mostly just words,” she puts into perspective in a meeting room with a view of a quay used to icebreakers. But the Russian bear remains “unpredictable” and “aggressive”, she is careful to add.
“Feel the pain”
The “vast majority” of the 5.5 million Finns “see no immediate military threat” from Russia since Finland was never part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), unlike Ukraine and the Baltic States, explains the 41-year-old woman. In the eyes of the Finns, the country of Vladimir Putin nevertheless represents “a threat, in theory”, according to Elina Valtonen.
Before gaining its independence in 1917, Finland was first attached to the Swedish kingdom, then to the Russian empire, whose Cossacks monitored the long border on horseback or skis. With the exception of the “good tsar” Alexander II (1855-1881) — whose statue still sits in the heart of Senate Square — the tsars all sought to Russify the Grand Duchy of Finland, but in vain. “We were able to remain free and build our democracy and our society on the basis of human rights, the market economy and everything else. In this sense, the last decades have been different [de celles de l’Ukraine]. That said, Finns can, in some way, identify with Ukraine or feel the pain that Ukrainians experience today in their daily struggle for their freedom, perhaps more strongly than other countries that do not have such a neighbor,” continues the Finnish elected official.
Trolls serving the Kremlin
Elina Valtonen is evasive when The duty asks him if agents serving the Kremlin have engaged in disinformation and agitation in his country, starting during the last electoral campaign. “Finland is quite resistant to this type of political influence. At least, we have been so far when it comes to hybrid warfare or cyberwar,” says the number two of the National Coalition Party, which supplanted the Social Democratic Party of Sanna Marin in the elections. legislative elections of April 2.
On the Web, “trolls who try to steer the discussion in a direction more favorable to Russia” are quickly identified and rebuffed, especially when they write in Finnish. “We have a very distinct language. So if someone tries to write something that is not really finished, it is very easy to detect it, ”explains the member of the government of Petteri Orpo. “But I think it’s more than that: it’s in our DNA; it’s in our culture. We have been close to this unpredictable, even aggressive, neighbor for decades. And for a typical Finn, it’s easy to spot when the line is crossed, when someone is trying to be too pro-Russian or Putinist,” she continues.
Elina Valtonen was appointed head of the Foreign Ministry on 20th June last, a few weeks after the signing of a coalition pact, in particular with the Party of Finns, camped on the far right. To access his office, his guests must cross a security post and then an interior courtyard. They cannot miss the imposing blue and yellow striped flag bearing the inscription “We stand with Ukraine”.
A few days after taking office, Finland announced the expulsion of nine people working at the Russian Embassy, whom it suspected of carrying out intelligence-gathering activities in contravention of the Vienna Convention on diplomatic. In retaliation, Moscow ordered Helsinki to shut down its consulate in St Petersburg by 1er october.
“Pragmatism” in the face of the Russian bear
Elina Valtonen claims to have been “personally” in favor of Finland’s membership in NATO “for as long as[’elle] remember.”
The refusal of the Finns to set in motion the process of joining the politico-military organization before Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 “cannot be interpreted as opposition to the NATO.” “Of course a group of people opposed it, but for the vast majority of Finns it was more of a pragmatic choice because, unlike Sweden […]we have the border [avec la Russie], they don’t have it. Consequently, we have always had to be more pragmatic”, explains the minister, while emphasizing that Finland did not wait to be a member in good standing to invest in its defence.
Finns tend to not just do what is asked, but to do even more and lead by example.
As a result, Helsinki can today pride itself on being an asset for the Atlantic Alliance. “These are not empty words,” she argues. As proof, the Finnish government devotes the equivalent of 3.4% of its gross domestic product (GDP) to the national defense budget, far exceeding the 2% target set by the defense ministers of the countries of the NATO in 2006. “The Finns tend not to just do what is asked, but to do even more and lead by example,” says Elina Valtonen. By comparison, Canada allocates 1.3% of its GDP to its armed forces. “We can give you lessons,” she says, smirking.
This report was financed thanks to the support of the Transat International Journalism Fund.The duty.